Humphrey McQueen Calls Henry Lawson a Nazi- Peter Myers, November 6, 2001; update March 14, 2005. My comments within the text are shown {thus}.

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Opponents of the Internationalists - in Australia, the Liberal, Labor, National, Green & Democrat parties - are being labelled "Nazis" and "Fascists" ... and yet we have good company in none less than Henry Lawson, whose museum at Gulgong (his birthplace) I visited (on my travels) last week.

I pointed out to the attendant that one item missing from the display, was Humphrey McQueen's depiction of Lawson as a Fascist and Nazi.

McQueen is a Communist who has addressed meetings of the International Socialist Organisation, as a keynote speaker - this places him in the Trotskyist camp, although he's more moderate than most.

He begins his book A New Britannia with a quote from Lenin (p. 11), and repeatedly plays the Jewish card, calling his targets - Henry Lawson and other Australian socialists - "anti-semites", because they oppose the Jewish bankers rather than employers per se (McQueen lumps both together under the name "capitalists").

Lawson was a hero of the Labor Party before it was taken over by the "New Left", for whom Manning Clark and Humphrey McQueen are exemplars - assassins of Lawson's reputation.

Compare the Trotskytist position presented by the Socialist Workers Party (now the Democratic Socialist Party, publishers of Green Left Weekly): xTrots.html

The key feature there is the opposition to an alliance between the workers and the local business people, against international capital. This stance is branded nationalist, Stalinist, Maoist.

But McQueen brands such a stance "fascist".

Humphrey McQueen, A New Britannia: An argument concerning the social origins of Australian radicalism and nationalism

PENGUIN BOOKS, Ringwood, Victoria, Australia, 1970.

{p. 7} Foreword by Professor C. M. H. Clark {Manning Clark}

At the risk of being proved wildly wrong I am going to predict that Humphrey McQueen's book will be widely and possibly even angrily discussed. It will be for others to discuss the quality of the performance. I believe it will be and ought to be widely read and discussed because it is the first attempt to give the generations of those now living in this country a look at the vision of the world

{p. 8} held by a member of the 'New Left'. ...

What one does associate with the New Left is this rummaging round in the past to find examples of men and women who were tainted by racism. What distinguishes them from their predecessors is their fierce dedication to egalitarianism and universalism. This means that in looking at our past they have quite a field-clay in ripping the mask off the advocates of 'mateship' and 'social equality', and showing the racist hells, as it were, in the hearts of many who have been canonized and indeed almost sanctified as 'Dinkum Aussies'. ...

All historical writing which has something to say is written by a judge. This gives us a picture of the New Left as judges - of what they would condemn, and what they would put into the human rubbish bin. I look forward with great interest to finding out next what they would affirm - what they would leave behind as their monument that they had once been here. {Gay Marriage, perhaps?}

Manning Clark 3 September 1970

{the remainder of the book is by Humphrey McQueen}

{p. 9}... And Australasia float, with flag unfurled, A NEW BRITANNIA IN ANOTHER WORLD! - William Charles Wentworth, 1823

{p. 11} Introduction

{quote} Marxist theory sets out to disclose the forms of antagonism and exploitation in modern society, to trace their evolution. demonstratc their transient charactcr and their transformation into a different form and thus help the proletariat as quickly and as easily as possible to put an end to all exploitaCion. For indeed the purpose of theory, the aim of science as directly laid down here, is to assist the oppressed class in its actual economic struggle. {endquote} Lenin, 1893

{p. 104} If the argument concentrates on Lawson this is not without justification since H. M. Green, author of a massive History of Australian Literature, claims that 'If we were set the impossible task of finding some single work to represent Australia it would have to be one of Lawson's. For an Australian to read him in another country is to breathe the air of home.' And Russel Ward includes Lawson in his Trinity of nationalist authors along side Paterson and Furphy.

It will be a somewhat novel Lawson who appears in the following pages. Some of the themes that emerge will be racism, and anti-democratic temper, anti-intellectualism, militarism, and anti-semitism. The combination of these in any other writer would place him in the category of 'fascist'. Indeed, we must agree with the Australian Nazi who recently wrote that 'If Lawson had written in this style today, he would definitely have been classed as a bigot a racist and a "Nazi" ... Lawson stood for his White Race his People and strong Nationalism against the Communist policies of integration and internationalism.'

This is not to say that Lawson and Hitler were as one. Rather Hitler may have had to dispose of Lawson as he did the leaders of the SA who wanted to push ahead with the anti-monopolist part of their programme. Lawson was a fascist in the sense that fascism is a movement of protest against big business and Jewish financiers. That this kind of fascism rarely comes to power, and when it does is very quickly squashed by an alliance of the more traditional conservatives (as in Rumania in 1941) does not mean that it is not one of the many varieties of fascism.

{p. 105} The usual view held by Katharine Susannah Prichard and Les Haylen, is that Lawson was a socialist. On the centenary of his birth in 1967, the {Stalinist} Communist Party's paper Tribune devoted eight pages to a 'celebration' of 'one of Australia's best known and loved writers'. Evidence for Lawson's socialism comes from poems like Faces in the Street. But there is nothing specifically 'left' about this kind of sympathy. There are numerous passages in Mein Kampf which deplore the suffering of ordinary people: The peasant boy in the big city walks the streets, hungry; often he pawns and sells his last possessions; his clothing becomes more and more wretched; and thus he sinks into external surroundings which, on top of his physical misfortune, also poison his soul. If he is evicted and if (as is often the case) this occurs in winter, his misery is very great.

What is important is the author's view of why these sufferings occur and how they can be eliminated. Lawson's occasional calls for 'revolution' have led some critics to see him as aggressively class conscious. This simply is not true. Like the rest of the radical movement in the 1880's and 1890's he is a firm supporter of the old middle-class leaders such as Jack Robertson and Sam Lilley.

Moreover, Lawson's disapproval of the 'rulers' is never complete. They are never pictured as wholly bad or as irrevocably so {i.e. as a Trotskyist sees them}. He has a Dickensian view of kings and squatters as being good men at heart: The Fire at Ross's Farm is eventually beaten because of the arrival of the squatter. Nor was Lawson always opposed to English gents:

{quote} Let bushmen think as bushmen will, And say what e'er they choose, I hate to hear the stupid sneer At New Chum Jackeroos. {endquote}

And in After the War Lawson tells us that he:

{quote} ... never believed that a dude could fight till a Johnny led us then, We buried his bits in the rear that night for the honour of Pitt-street men. {endquote}

{p. 106} The first man to volunteer to remain on the sinking Seabolt is:

{quote} ... a merchant stout His face was brown and tan: 'I'll volunteer to stay on board, For I'm an Englishman!' {endquote}

Lawson's support for Unionism did not outlive the century. I'm too Old to Rat has been misinterpreted: the speaker is saying that he is seriously disturbed at the trend of events in the Labor Movement but cannot bring himself to leave it. It is a cry of resignation, not defiance. By 1899 Lawson was describing the Union creed as 'narrow' that is, not national. Ten years later in The Land of Living Lies his account of the strikers is that:

{quote} They were men professing nothing, yet Australians througl and through, And their every act was hampered by the canting 'Comrade' crew, {endquote}

and further on:

{quote} (Socialist be damned! for: 'Ists' and 'Isms' are as naught to me - Our ideal was a real and broad Democracy.) {endquote}

Here are hints of his nationalism and anti-intellectualism. Yet surely the last line contradicts the earlier claim that he was anti-democratic?

Lawson is in favour of government 'for the people', but not of government 'of or by the people'. Instead, he longs for a strong ruler, like Cromwell who:

{quote} ... in my country's hour of need For it shall surely come, While run by fools who'll never heed, The beating of the drum, While baffled by the fools at home And threatened from the sea - Lord! send a man like Oliver - And let me live to see. {endquote}

{p. 107} Such a man would become The King of Our Republic and

{quote} If you find him stern, unyielding, when his living task is set, I have told you that a tyrant shall uplift the nation yet; {endquote}

The connection between a popular dictator and militaristic nationalism is thus made clear. But it is an old theme of Lawson's, one which he expressed in Australia's Peril written five years earlier in 1905:

{quote} Listen through House and Senate - listen from east to west For the voice of one Australian who will stand above the rest: Who will lead his country's dawning, who will lead in his manhood's noon - The man will come with the hour - but the llour may come too soon. {endquote}

Lawson's objection to 'democratic politicians' was that they factionalized and divided the nation. His view of nationalism is the organic one common to fascism. He objects to:

{quote} .... thirteen little kings Of thirteen Parliaments. {endquote}

Attacks on those who oppose the oneness of Australia, political as well as geographic, are particularly frequent in the poems Lawson wrote from 1905 to 1910. His paramount corcern is not a class one, but national one. He believes that it is the destiny of Australia to produce the 'Dynasty of Man'. Yet this destiny is imperilled by a combined assault by international Jewry and Japanese monkeys. The Jews plan to use the Japs to destroy this new paradise. ('... The East is backed by the Jews ...'). There is a heavy populist strain in these writings as for example in Freedom on the Wallaby where the promise is to '... make the bankers feel the sting' and in Australia's Peril which contends that 'with the Jews we belied the farmers'.

{p. 108} Lawson's account of the Boer War is that:

{quote} ... the dirty Jewish talon reached from palaces and slums Till a hundred thousand English died to stop the farmers' drums. {endquote}

Indeed, he believes that most wars are engineered by '... the Syndicates and a monarch "in" with the Jews'. Jews are also blamed for Australia's economic distress in the 1890's and Lawson suggests that 'If the crimson flag was hoisted 'twould be bad for prophets such as Jacob.' All the references to Jews in his poems are unfavourable except in Joseph's Dreams and Reuben's Brethren which, having painted the Jews as people who sell their brothers, and that 'For more than twice his worth', falls back on to the most cliched defence with Lawson claiming '(My best friend as a Yid)'.* {see footnote below}

The anti-semitism of European fascists festered not only on the supposed financial power of Zion but also on the image of the Jew as the carrier of the new ideas associated with the liberal professions. This is not an element in Lawson's anti-intellectualism largely because of the low level of intellectual life in Australia. He nonetheless warns that when things are better organized 'the rich an' educated shall be educated down' and he objects to the psychological dramas of 'Ibsen and Pshaw'. Australia's future, he maintains, rests with:

{quote} Boys who are slight and quiet, but boys who are strong and true, Dreaming of great inventions - always of something new; With brains untrammelled by training, but quick where reason directs Boys with imagination and unclouded intellects. {endquote}

* {footnote} Late in 1893 Lawson published a pseudonymous poem defending 'Arthur Desmond', an anti-semitic revolutionary who saw himself as the literary reincarnation of Wodin. The substance of the defence was that Desmond merely had the courage to say what everyone else felt. cf. Norman Lindsay. {end footnote}

{p. 109} These intellects will do something manly and useful by becoming Australian Engineers on Australian ships which will drive away the Japanese.

Fear and detestation of Asians is undoubtedly the central theme of Lawson's political verse and it influences everything he writes in this connection. The threat from Asia is at the base of his militarism but it is not its cause. Long before the rise of Japan Lawson was unashamedly praising war as a good thing for its own sake irrespective of the cause:

{quote} From grander clouds in our peaceful skies than ever were there before, I tell you the Star of the South shall rise - in the lurid clouds of war. It ever must be while blood is warm and the sons of men increase; For ever the nations rose in storm, to rot in a deadly peace. And this we learn from the libelled past, though its methods were somewhat rude - A Nation's born where the shells fall fast, or its lease of life renewed. We in part atone for the ghoulish strife and the crimes of the peace we boast, And the better part of a people's life in the storm comes uppermost. (The Star of Australasia) {endquote}

When searching for an image of life and manhood Lawson turns time and time again to war and the battlefield as in The Friends of Fallen Fortunes and Fall in, My Men, Fall in. In The Dons of Spain Lawson praises heroism for a cause he opposes: And here's to the bravest of Freedom's foes who ever with death have stood - For the sake of the courage to die on steel as their fathers died on wood;

{p. 110} Some of these poems were written in the 1880's long before Lawson became a drunkard {through being imprisoned for not being able to afford to pay alimony} and a psychotic {what evidence is there of this?} and cannot be attributed to these purely personal traits. Moreover, his poems were printed by some of the most widely read journals in Australia, especially the Bulletin, where his ideas found a most receptive audience. Lawson's response to the Boer War was ambiguous. In Ballad of the Cornstalk he tells of a restless bushman who is killed and of the girl who waits for him. It combines sympathy for the soldier's motives for going with compassion for the women who are left behind - both typical Lawson themes. Though The Blessings of the War is patently ironic it cannot conceal Lawson's long-standing beliefs:

{quote} I'm in favour of the war, and of half-a-dozen more; And I think we should have had one long before - There is nothing to deplore; I'm in favour of the war Independent of all statements made by Briton or by Boer. 'Tis a healthy stirring up of the dregs of sorrow's cup - 'Tis a joyful thing, as I have always held, For it brings us something new. And I'm looking forward to The festive time when Sydney shall be shelled! {endquote}

Lawson supported the Boers whom he saw as the prototype of the bushman who would eventually have to save Australia.

Some of Lawson's poems at this time indicate that his militarist views had not been as popular when he started to write:

{quote} And they lounged on the rim of Australia in the peace that had come to last, And they laughed at my 'cavalry charges', for such things belonged to the past; (The Heart of Australia) {endquote}

After the Russo-Japanese War this changed and in 1905, triumphant though still fearful, he combined militarism with racism in a poem For Australia:

{p. 111} {quote} Now, with the wars of the world begun, they'll listen to you and me, Now while the frightened nations run to the arms of democracy, Now, when our blathering fools are scared, and the years have proved us right - All unprovided and unprepared, the Outpost of the White! {endquote}

Lawson's sympathies are evident in The Vanguard:

{quote} 'Tis the first round of the struggle of the East against the West, Of the fearful war of races - for the White Man could not rest. Hold them, IVAN! Staggering bravely underneath your gloomy sky; Hold them, IVAN! we shall want you pretty badly by and by! Fighting for the Indian empire, when the British pay their debt, Never Briton watched for Blucher as he'll watch for IVAN yet! It means all to young Australia - it means life or death to us, For the vanguard of the White Man is the vanguard of the Russ! {endquote}

The seemingly anti-war poem Nemesis has to be seen in its immediate historical context. It was designed to cool down the demands for war between Russia and Britain after Russia's fleet had sunk some British fishing vessels mistaking them for Japanese torpedo boats. Thus he opposes 'War because of one poor blunder made in panic far away'. He is concerned to form an alliance of all the white nations against the East, especially Japan.

Even the victory of the Negro Jack Johnson over Tommy Burns in Sydney on Boxing Day, 1908, provided Lawson with a premonition of race war:

{quote} For 'money' and 'sporting' madness - and here, in a land that was white! You mated a black-man and uhite-manl to stand up before you and fight And many - God knows how many! - sons of a white man's son 'Backed the nigger to beat him - and flocked to see it done.

{p. 112} You thought about, talked about, raved about nothing else under the sun - In a time of National danger with National rights to be won! While madness made laws for madmen, and the soul of Australia moaned, And the paltriest Acts were 'partied', and the great State Question postponed. You flocked to your fairest city, for a Thing that you would not miss - To see a sight that could never be seen in a land but this. You paid and you cheered and you hooted, and this is your need of disgrace; It was not Burns that was beaten - for a nigger has smacked your face. Take heed - I am tired of writing - but O my people, take heed, For the time may be near for the mating of the Black and the White to breed. (The Great Fight) {endquote}

The vision of race-war recurs time and again as in To Be Amused where he sees:

{quote} .... the stricken city fall The fathers murdered at their doors, The sack, the massacre of all Save healthy slaves and paramours - The wounded hero at the stake, The pure girl to the leper's kiss - God, give us faith, for Christ's own sake, To kill our womanhood ere this. I see the brown and yellow rule The southern lands and southern waves, White children in the heathen school, And black and white together slaves; I see the colour-line so drawn (I see it plain and speak I must), That our brown masters of the dawn Might, aye, have fair girls for their lusts! {endquote}

In 1912 the Government introduced military training for all boys between twelve and eighteen years of age.

{p. 113} There were almost thirty thousand prosecutions for failure to attend the drill parades and several parents, including prominent socialists, were gaoled. Lawson's response was:

{quote} There's many a schoolboy's bat and ball that are gathering dust at home, For he hears a voice in the future call, and he trains for the war to come; The schoolboy scouts of the White Man's Land are out on the hills today; They trace the tracks for the sea-beach sand and sea-cliffs grim and grey; They take the range for a likely shot by every cape ahead, And they spy the lay of each lonely spot where an enemy's foot might tread. (Here Died) {endquote}

The inevitability and nobility of war are as persistent in Lawson's poems as is the danger from the East. In 1913 he warned:

{quote} Beware of the East, O Christian, for the sake of your fairest and best; It is written, and written, remembered, that the tide of invasion goes West. You builded a wall, O China! to keep your enemies out; You cradled the mightiest river and you conquered the flood and the drought. Patient and peaceful and honest - children of Industry - Wise with the wisdom of ages - yet they could not let you be! Nor wall nor mountain nor ocean justice or peace could win. You builded a wall, O China! Let them see that it keep you in. (The Old, Old Story) {endquote}

This is interesting for it shows that Lawson realized that it was the Europeans who had provoked the Asians, but his conclusion is that it will result in a war of races, not of classes. Moreover, he is not blind to the virtues popularly attributed to Asians - patience, endurance, industry - for like so many others it was those very virtues which he

{p. 114} feared most; they are virtues only as long as the Chinese remain walled-up inside China.

Lawson once pictured a Chinaman in a favourable light, in the story Ah Soon. Commenting on this tale he wrote 'I don't know whether a story about a Chinaman would be popular or acceptable here and now; and, for the matter or that, I don't care. I am anti-Chinese as far as Australia is concerned; in fact, I am all for a White Australia. But one may dislike, or even hate, a nation without hating or disliking an individual of that nation'.

Some of his best pals were chinks: he had used the same defence against the charge of anti-semitism. But it is a central part of racism that the 'race' should possess characteristics not found in individual members of the race.

{quote} When war broke out in 1914 it was not the war Lawson had looked forward to. It was not race war but a war between Europeans and so he has The Foreign Father tell Australians: .... who make sport your ideal, down there by the Southern Sea: There's a menace more deadly and real than ever the German could be {endquote}

He nonetheless supported the war and Britain - and Conscription - since it would

{quote} Make men of weeds! Give muscle thought and feeling! Reduce the Fat (and here and there make men)! Give brains to brawn! The pregnant time is stealing Close to our shores - Ah! you shall know it then! Fear not the plunge! - If we can only strike it, The track is clear to perfect nationhood. And - you'll get used to discipline and like it, For I was disciplined and found it good. (Conscription, 1916) {endquote}

Some twelve months earlier Lawson had put the same ideas in different words, through the mouth of a German:

{p. 115} {quote} You say that our discipline's brutal, because you are paying the debt, You say that conscription is deadly; it hasn't killed Germany yet. See the weeds in vour Soutllern cities hawk and spit between race-board and pot! ~Vould discipline makc them or mar them? Or yollr citizens miss them, or not? {endquote}

Lawson was convinced that war, violence and discipline would procluce 'men'. His view of 'man' is purely physical, the view that Mussolini had of himself.

Events in Russia in 1917 confirmed Lawson's darkly fatalistic view of history and of the inevitability of war:

{quote} 'Tis the Great Law Periodic till the stars shall be no more: War, and war, and revolution- and then, after that, the War! {endquote}

Lawson nonetheless maintained a sympathy for ordinary people and some of his finest lines are to be found in his description of the horrors suffered during war as in Antwerp (1914):

{quote} Blue smoke from the embers curling, and the morning is fresh and fair; And the dead and the charled and the mangled, and the wounded al~ everywhere. And out on the paths of the ~eeing, where remnants are scattered like chaff, The terrible silence of children, and a soldier's hysterical laugh. {endquote}

Yet on Armistice Day he wrote:

{quote} Now is all business stopped, and work and traffic, To give a doubly needless holiday; Now do cold-footers howl and yell and 'maffick', And 'flappers' fling all modesty away. This is the Anti's day, the day for shirkers, And racecourse scum, and touts - and worse than they - For monkey tricks that shame all honest workers. And pranks no decent larrikin would play.

{p. 116} I raise my window sash, and sit and wonder, While gazing upwards at the starry dome, Will men say in their hearts, that grand sky under- 'If this be peace, God send us war at home?' (Peace) {endquote}

Or, as Lawson's anthologizer, Colin Roderick, summed it up- 'Lawson always praised war as the maker of nations, peace as the canker that rotted the national frame, and he welcomed the holocaust of 1914-18 as the fulfilment of his prophecies.'

To recapitulate: investigation of Lawson's verse has revealed the following characteristics: 1. an organic concept of the nation; 2. idealization of manly virtues; 3. hostility to finance capitalism; 4. elitist notion of leadership; 5. racism, including anti-semitism; 6. militarism.* {see footnote below} But if these demand a re-interpretation of Lawson, how much more do they demand a reappraisal of the Australia that Lawson has for so long epitomized?

* {footnote} These criteria are based on John Weiss, The Fascist Tradition (New York, 1967) pp. xi-xii. {end footnote}

{McQueen has this to say about the non-Leninist Socialists:}

{p. 196} American Populism provided other important elements for Labor's thinking, the most influential work being Caesar's Column which showed what would happen if the bankers rather than the workers were triumphant. Signific-

{p. 197} antly the enemy are bankers and not capitalists in general. The bank crashes of the 1890's fed these attitudes so that in 1893 the Sydney Worker attacked

{quote} The Russian Jews, like their Australian brothers, are principally bankers, loan mongers, peddlars and pawn brokers. They are hated and hunted for their deeds, not for their religion. In Russia, the Government is still strong enough to tax the Jews, in Australia the Jews are powerful enough to tax the Government. They dress in purple and fine linen, and they fare sumptuously every day - but who knows one of them that could not be spared? Did anyone ever see a Jew work7 At manual labour, no. It doesn't pay to work when others are anxious to do it. {endquote}

Anti-semitism became a persistent theme of the Bulletin's. And as late as 1947 when the Amalgamated Engineering Union was calling for Bank Nationalization it felt obliged to point out that the Rothschild's were 'Jewish' bankers as if their semitic origins proved something.

{yet, strangely, McQueen forgets Marx's own writings about the central role of Jewish bankers; could it be that Lawson & the "anti-semitic" socialists are more true to Marx?}

Banking and 'funny money' proposals dominated Labor's financial thinking long before anyone had heard of Keynes. In the middle of the 1893 depression O'Sullivan advocated a state bank which 'could by the issue of national notes, construct reproductive works, and in due course we could redeem those notes with the money derived from those works ...'. Typically the only serious attempt at nationalization in Australia's history was aimed at the banks. As Rawson explained,

{quote} For twenty-five years after the adoption of the socialization objective of 1921, the party's attention, to the extent that it paid any attention to socialization at all, was concentrated on the nationalization of banking. This was an issue on which party opinion was united. Anstey on the left ... Forgan Smith on the right ... Chifley somewhere in the centre and Lang who can only be regarded as sui generis all added something to this emphasis on bank nationalization. Of all major reforms of a socialist character this was the one which would be least unpalatable to small producers, and particularly to the indebted farmers. {endquote}

{end of McQueen's text}

In Lawson's Defence:

Although there are places in Lawson's writing where he seems to take a stand based on race, there are plenty of other places where he extends a welcome hand to non-whites. Surely it is foolish to overlook the latter passages, and to hand such a genius as Lawson over to the camp of those who really are racially exclusive.

In Lawson's defence I present some of his non-fiction prose, which seems at odds in many places with McQueen's depiction of him:

(1) lawson.html and

(2) lawson2.html.

The Fabian Society has changed greatly from its early days. In recent decades, Fabians have promoted New Left policies: open borders, gay lib, radical feminism, minority rights. Yet A. M. McBriar shows in his book Fabian Socialism & English Politics 1884-1918, that a century ago the Fabians were quite different. Then, they resembled the old Australian Labor Party in its "White  Australia" days, although Fabians advocated that native races should be looked after by a central body in London, to protect them from nationalists in the colonies.

Most Fabians supported Imperialism, the Boer War & participation in World War I.  They weren't thinking much in terms of foreign policy - no big ideas. That's the majority.

Which makes H. G. Wells & the minority, the more exceptional. Bertrand Russell became a convert to Well's vision. These Socialist thinkers opposed the old kind of Imperialism, &  envisaged a world run by a meritocracy drawn from all races. Yet the Wells scheme plays out a  sort of Judaism - underneath the appearances: wells-lenin-league.html.

My particular interest in Lawson is in his articulation of how experience of the Outback created the Australian character - creating "Australians". Even now, south-east Australia (Victoria, Tasmania, & the south-east of South Australia) has an "English" feel - because, I believe, it has no "Outback".

Lawson called for irrigation, and would have supported the Snowy Mountains Scheme, with its diversion of water from the Snowy River to the dry western plains; the Greens lack that awareness of the Outback, and have campaigned to restore the water to the Snowy River.

Recurring droughts on the mainland will eventually force a re-think, a return to the insight of Lawson that we must have such irrigation schemes.

I think it important for newer migrants from Asia to get to know their new home, away from the big cities. For that reason, I would like to see them join "white" Australians in exploring the countryside in small groups, camping in national parks, visiting our sacred sites, naturalising - putting down roots.

Lawson, I believe, accepted the cultural differences of the varied migrants in Australia, provided that a sense of community was maintained. Closed ethnic groups, based on separation, are a threat to such unity; but the problem is the closedness, not racial diversity.

Ted Egan is, I feel, a figure in the mould of Henry Lawson. His film The Drover's Boy, about the relations between blacks and whites in the Outback, will touch the Australian consciousness as Lawson touched it, unsettling Australians but re-rooting us to this country and one another. Although of appeal to the New Left, Egan sings about the things dear to ordinary people, and is bonded to white as much as black in Outback Australia.

Karl Marx' essays on Jewish finance accord with Lawson's statements.

The following quotes are from The Karl Marx Library Volume 5 On Religion (arranged and edited, with an  introd. and new translations, by Saul K. Padover McGraw-Hill Book Company  New York 1972):

{p. 219} The Jewish Bankers of Europe*

* From "The Loanmongers of Europe," published in the New York Daily  Tribune, November 22, 1855.

TAKE Austria, for instance - a country which suffers from chronic scarcity  of cash. What is she doing at this moment? She proposes to raise money by  negotiating the mortgage bonds of the landowners of the Austrian dominions.  But how is such an operation possible?

Through the Jewish houses, who, shut out from all more honorable  branches of business, have acquired in this an inevitable degree of  aptitude. There are in Vienna the Rothschilds, and Arnsteins, and Eskeles,  and the Jew-Greek house of Seria, for whom the management of a loan of  $100,000,000 is a matter of most easy accomplishment.  ...

Now there are posted in every point of Europe Jewish agents who  represent this business and who are the correspondents of other leading  Jews. It must here be borne in mind that for one big fish, like  Rothschild, there are thousands of minnows. ...

{p. 221} The Russian Loan*

* Published in the New York Daily Tribune, January 4, 1856.

THE issue of a new Russian loan affords a practical illustration of the  system of loanmongenng in Europe, to which we have heretofore called the  attention of our readers.

This loan is brought out under the auspices of the house of Stieglitz at St. Petersburg. Stieglitz is to Alexander what Rothschild is to  Francis Joseph, what Fould is to Louis Napoleon. The late Czar  Nicholas made Stieglitz a Russian baron, as the late Kaiser Franz made old  Rothschild an Austrian baron, while Louis Napoleon has made a Cabinet  Minister of Fould, with a free ticket to the Tuileries for the females of  his family. Thus we find every tyrant backed by a Jew, as is every  pope by a Jesuit. In truth, the cravings of oppressors would be hopeless,  and the practicability of war out of the question, if there were not an  army of Jesuits to smother thought and a handful of Jews to ransack  pockets. ...

{end quotes} More at leftprot.html.

Despite this, McQueen writes, "The anti-semitism of European fascists festered not only on the supposed financial power of Zion ..." (p. 108).

McQueen is a Marxist of the Trotskyist kind. This "writing out" of what Marx had written on the financial power of Zion became a Trotskyist practice once "anti-semites" took up the theme.

McQueen's argument is summed up in his statement, "Lawson was a fascist in the sense that fascism is a movement of protest against big business and Jewish financiers" (p. 104).

The issues are not as clear-cut as that. Most socialists and communists think that Karl Marx opposed them too. The exception is the Trotskyist faction, with whom McQueen identifies himself by implication. Given that he has spoken at meetings of the International Socialist Organisation, as a keynote speaker featured on placards, this seems to locate him. Yet I must admit that he is less ideological than the ISO members I have encountered; I discovered this by putting a question to him at an ISO meeting. I therefore see him as duped by their leadership, and appeal to him to examine the evidence on this website showing that the early Bolshevik regime (of Lenin and Trotsky) was Jewish-dominated - a Jewish conspiracy, even though only of the non-theistic faction of Jews: kaganovich.html.

More on the early Soviet Union: soviet-union-early.html.

Stalin stole their conspiracy: stalin.html.

In 1953 Stalin was murdered, within 2 months of the "Doctors Plot" being announced in the press: death-of-stalin.html.

Convergence between Communism and Capitalism: convergence.html.
Write to me at contact.html.