Bugged Computer Software - Ari Ben-Menashe

- Peter Myers; date October 26, 2000; update May 1, 2020.

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(1) Ari Ben-Menashe, Profits of War: The Senational Story of the World-Wide Arms Conspiracy (2) Bin Laden given PROMIS software? (3) PROMIS incident number: 887890

(1) Ari Ben-Menashe, Profits of War: The Senational Story of the World-Wide Arms Conspiracy, Allen & Unwin, Sydney 1992.

The author, Ari Ben-Menashe, was an Israeli intelligence officer; Rafael Eitan was a counterterrorism adviser to Menachem Begin. This book broke the Iran Contra scandal, but was ignored by the media. It also describes the capture of Mordecai Vanunu, beginning with his approaching the Sydney Morning Herald about his secret photos; that newspaper, instead of scooping the story, contacted ASIO (Australia's equivalent of the CIA). Ari Ben-Menashe is lucky to be alive. The extracts below describe the development of bugged computer software, and how Israel helped to bring down the USSR with it.

{p. 129} One of Eitan's pet projects was an anti-terrorist scheme involving a sinister, Big Brother-like computer program named Promls. It was through Eitan that I became involved in it. This was not Joint Committee work, per se, but many of the same people who worked on our arms-to-Iran operation worked on Promls also. The most prominent of these was British medla baron Robert Maxwell, who made a fortune out of it. Through some of his companies, the Israelis and the Americans were eventually able to tap into the secrets of numerous intelligence networks around the world - including Britain, Canada, Australia, and many

{p. 130} others - and set into motion the arrest, torture, and murder of thousands of lnnocent people in the name of "antiterrorism."

The frightening story of the Promis program begins in the United States in the late 1960s when communications expert William Hamilton, who had spent time in Vietnam during the war setting up listening posts to monitor the communist forces, was assigned to a research and development unit of the U.S National Security Agency. Fluent in Vietnamese, Hamilton helped create a computerized Vietnamese-English dictionary for the intelligence agency. While working there, Hamilton also started work on an extremely sophisticated database program that could interface with data banks in other computers. By the early 1970s, he was well on the way with his research and realized he had a keg of dynamite in his hands.

The program he was developing would have the ability to track the movements of vast numbers of people around the world. Dissidents or citizens who needed to be kept under watch would be hard put to move freely again without Big Brother keeping an eye on thelr activities.

When Hamilton saw that the program he was building had so much potential, he resigned from the National Security Agency and took over a non-profit corporation called Inslaw, established to develop a software program for legal purposes. The Inslaw program would be able to cross-check various court actions and, through cross-referencing, find a common denominator. For example, if a wanted person moved to a new state and established a new identity before being arrested, the program would search out aspects of his life and cases he had been involved in and match them up. Hamilton put his knowledge to use in Inslaw, and when his bosses at NSA found out, they were not at all happy. Their argument was that as an employee of the agency, he had no right to take knowledge gleaned there to another organization. By 1981 Hamilton came up with an enhanced program. What he had actually done was given birth to a monster. Inslaw was turned into a profit-making organization, and Hamilton copyrighted his enhanced version.

Believing that Inslaw was invaluable for law-enforcement agencies, Hamilton sent Promis to the Justice Department in 1981, offering them leasing rights; the more they used it, the more

{p. 131} profit Inslaw would make. The Hamilton program was sent to the NSA for study, but in time, through arrangements made with Attorney General Edwin Meese III, Hamilton got his program back. The Justice Department declined to lease the program from Inslaw, and, it soon transpired, they were using "their own" Promis. So was the NSA.

The U.S. government had its own plans for Promis. Some American officials thought the Israelis might be able to sell it to intelligence agencies around the world, so in 1982, Earl Brian approached Rafi Eitan. After studying the program, Eitan had a brilliant idea.

He called me in to see him. "We can use this program to stamp out terrorism by keeping track of everyone," he said. "But not only that. We can find out what our enemies know, too."

I stared at him for a moment. Suddenly I realized what he was talking about. "Ben zona ata tso dek!" - Son of a bitch, you're right! I exclaimed. All we had to do was "bug" the program when it was sold to our enemies.

It would work like this: A nation's spy organization would buy Promis and have it installed in its computers at headquarters. Using a modem, the spy network would then tap into the computers of such services as the telephone company, the water board, other utility commissions, credit card companies, etc. Promis would then search for specific information. For example, if a person suddenly started using more water and more electricity and making more phone calls than usual, it might be suspected he had guests staying with him. Promis would then start searching for the records of his friends and associates, and if it was found that one had stopped using electricity and water, it might

{Footnote, p. 131: Hamilton and his wife Nancy sued the Justice Department, charging that Justice stole the enhanced Promis program from Inslaw and gave it to NSA. Justice claimed it did get a program from Inslaw but returned it unused. NSA said it developed its own enhanced program and gave it to other intelligence agencies, but not to the Justice Department. Since the stalling by the Justlce Department had thrown Inslaw into bankruptcy proceedings, the Hamiltons pursued their legal remedies in Bankruptcy Court. The lower courts upheld their claims against the Justice Department, but an appellate court ruled that Bankruptcy Court was the incorrect venue for such claims, requiring them to refile the suit in District Court. A congressional investigation into the matter has also been slowly proceeding.}

{p. 132} be assumed, based on other records stored in Promis, that the missing person was staying with the subject of the investigation. This would be enough to have him watched if, for example, he had been involved in previous conspiracies. Promis would search through its records and produce details of those conspiracies, even though the person might have been operating under a different name in the past - the program was sophisticated enough to find a detail that would reveal his true identity.

This information might also be of interest to Israel, which is where the trap door would come into play. By dialing into the central computer of any foreign intelligence agency using Promis, an Israeli agent with a modem need only type in certain secret code words to gain access. Then he could ask for information on the person and get it all on his computer screen.

According to computer experts I have spoken to in Israel, the trap door is undetectable. Nations receiving Promis might wonder if there was any trickery by Israel, but they would not be able to find anything - especially as it was experts provided by Israel who installed the program.

Rafi Eitan did not want to risk having a trap door developed in Israel. Word might leak back that the Israelis had been bugging software and then handing it out to others. He didn't even suggest that the NSA develop the trap door because he had a great sense of national pride. As far as he was concerned, it was Israel's idea and would remain so. Yet it still had to be kept secret. Eitan decided it would be best if a computer whiz could be found outside the country.

I knew just the man for the job. Yehuda Ben-Hanan ran a small computer company of his own called Software and Engineering Consultants, based in Chatsworth, California. I had grown up with him, but I didn't want him to know that I was scouting him for a possible job. I had to sound him out, to find out if he was a blabbermouth.

When I called on him, I told him I was in California on holiday and had decided to look him up. We chatted about our days as kids, and he introduced me to his wife, a Brazilian Jew. I decided he was right for the job - he was not conspiracy-minded, and it was unlikely his suspicions would be aroused. Five days after I left, he was approached by an Israeli man who hired him to build

{p. 133} an external access to a program. Yehuda wasn't told what the program was all about. He was simply given blueprints and set about his work for a $5,000 fee.

With the trap door in place, Rafi Eitan selected Jordan as the nation on which it would be tested. Earl Brian made the sale through his company, Hadron. Brian accurately represented it as a program that would help stamp out the Palestinian dissidents who had long been a thorn in the side of King Hussein. A team of Hadron computer experts went to Amman and began setting up Promis software for Jordanian military intelligence. They also hooked it up with the various computers that had already been sold to Jordan by IBM in the late 1970s. These computers were linked to the water company, the telephone company, and every other public utility.

The Hadron team did one more thing. They hooked the Promis program to a small computer attached to a telephone line in an apartment in Amman. That apartment was occupled by a buslnessman who had close connections with Mossad. From his home, he was able to dial up various public services, as well as the military, and use Promis to find out everything about everybody - as well as to tap into Jordan's military secrets. Because of his business as an importer-exporter, he often had an excuse to fly to Vienna. He would take the New York-bound Aliya Royal Jordanian Airlines flight from Amman and get off in Vienna. There, he would pass computer disks loaded with information to a Mossad contact.

So what Israel and the Americans learned was that the system was workable. The two countries also found out that the Jordanians had a tracking system of their own which was being used against Palestinian movements. Israel and the U.S. were laughing. The Jordanians tracked the Palestinians, our man tapped into their information, and we knew as much about the whereabouts of one terrorist or another as the Jordanians did.

The Americans came up with the idea of selling this valuable program to governments and their intelligence networks all over the world. But first they had to produce their own version of Promis with the secret trap door. The Americans handed a copy of their program to Wackenhut, a Florida-based company that worked for the U.S. intelligence community. The company also

{p. 134} had a computer development unit located on the Cabazon Indian Reservation in southern California. The Indian reservation was used by Wackenhut, which was contracted by the technical services division of the CIA, for developing special equipment such as special-purpose electronics, anti-terrorist devices, etc., as well as hallucinogeric drugs. It was done on an Indian reservation because there was no state jurisdiction and the federal authorities who would have jurisdiction turned a blind eye to the operation.

It was here that the trap door was built into the U.S. version of Promis, based on Israeli information.

The CIA group that was to use Promis had not handed the program back to the NSA to have the trap door fitted by them for the simple reason that they didn't want the NSA to know about it - interagency competition was fierce. Only this small CIA group, headed by Robert Gates - who was to become head of the Central Intelligence Agency in October 1991 - was in on the secret. So we now had a small group in Israel and a small group in the U.S. that knew about the trap door.

The next step for both Israel and the United States was to find a neutral company through which the doctored Promis program could be sold. It was agreed that the head of the company had to be a man who could be trusted to keep intelligence secrets, who had contacts with both Western and East Bloc countries and who had a respected businessman's image. The man they came up with was Robert Maxwell.

Robert Maxwell, whose body now lies in Judaism's most revered burial ground on the Mount of Olives overlooking Jerusalem's walled city, formed his ties with Israel in the early 1960s when a meeting was arranged for him with Yitzhak Shamir, who was then in Mossad operations in Europe. Shamir's was an important role, soliciting information from all the European-based agencies employed by Mossad. The rendezvous with Maxwell was arranged through the Mapam [United Workers] Party in Israel which was part of the labor movement and had close connections with Maxwell's leftwing colleagues in the British Labor Party.

The two men were brought together by Aviezer Ya'ari, a kibbutz member and one of the ideological leaders of Mapam. Upper-

{p. 135} most in Ya'ari's mind was making contact with the Soviets, so it was a natural move to put Shamir in touch with Maxwell, who had intelligence links with the Soviets beginning in World War II. Shamir's past as a Stern Gang terrorist appeared to make this an unlikely pairing, but Mossad was keen to make any connections it could with the KGB, and the belief in Tel Aviv was that Maxwell, for all his pride in faithfully serving in the British Army, remained on good terms with "friends" in the East Bloc.

Maxwell, who had been elected a British Labor MP in 1964, and Shamir shared an antipathy for the Americans, and were to become friends of heart and spirit.

Rafi Eitan knew of Maxwell's long association with Shamir and with Israel, so he suggested that the British mogul would be the perfect front for selling Promis. The approach to Maxwell, on Israeli prompting, was made in 1984 by Sen. John Tower, an old friend of the publisher's, who was close to the then vlce presldent, George Bush - in fact, many years before, Tower had helped Bush get into Congress. Always interested in military and intelllgence affairs, Tower had served as chair of the Senate Armed Servlces Committee. According to Maxwell, when Bush was head of the CIA in 1976, Tower approached Maxwell to connect him and Bush secretly on a person-to-person basis with various Soviet intelligence people. When Maxwell delivered, Tower became his friend for life. With the relationship strengthening over the years, Tower subsequently was appointed a director of Maxwell's Macmillan publishing company in the U.S.

Tower's approach to Maxwell to use his network of companies to market Promis was made on behalf of the CIA group headed by Gates. But it was Rafi Eitan who mapped out the workings of Promis for Maxwell at a discreet meeting between the two men m Paris in 1984. I do not know whether Maxwell was made aware of the trap door and how Israel and the U.S. could use this to gain external access to the computers of whatever agencies were usmg the program. But Maxwell would have been made perfectly aware of the general uses of Promis and how intelligence servlces could keep tabs on anyone about whom they had cause to be suspicious.

Maxwell agreed he was in a perfect position to market Promis for the Americans and the Israelis. After all, his Berlitz language schools were located all around the world. All he needed to do

{p. 136} was set up or buy computer companies through Berlitz Holdings. This would distance him personally from the massive spy project.

A perfect company for Maxwell to take over already existed. Israeli-owned, Degem was a computer business located in Israel, Guatemala, and Transkei, the Bantustan "homeland" controlled by South Africa. The Transkei connection is particularly interesting.

Menachem Begin, Israel's prime minister from 1977 to 1983, had a long-time friend, Yaacov Meridor, who was running various businesses with South Africa through Transkei. A minister without portfolio in Begin's government, he was raking in a fortune in commissions from whatever country wanted to beat the boycott on South Africa by dealing through Transkei. Everything had to go through Meridor or a company he owned. One of these companies was Degem, which was actually controlled by Israel's military intelligence and was providing computer services to the South Africans and to Guatemala.

Poor Meridor became unstuck - and opened the door for Maxwell - when he was caught up in a huge scandal. Along with a Texan, Joe Peeples, and a Romanian expatriate who claimed to be an energy professor, Meridor drew up a blueprint for using the sun as a source of energy to generate vast amounts of electricity. Although this was theoretically feasible, the Meridor blueprint went far beyond the realm of possibility. However, he and his pals succeeded in selling the idea to the wealthy Hunt brothers of Texas for $2 million. For this price, the Hunts were told they had the rights to sell the scheme in the U.S. Meanwhile, Meridor decided that he would seek a huge loan from the Israeli Treasury, but he slipped up badly. He went on TV and told the nation that he was working on a solar energy system with which Israel would never have to use oil or coal for electricity again. All he needed was a little financial backing.

Expecting the money to come pouring in, Meridor was stopped in his tracks when a scientist from the Weizman Institute went on TV three days later and declared the whole thing a fraud. Joe Peeples, who was not able to give the $2 million back to the Hunts, was jailed for fraud. The Romanian, who had not received any of the money, went free. Meridor lost his job as a cabinet

{p. 137} minister - and his credibility. His Transkei operations were another casualty. And then along came Maxwell who, knowing exactly what he was buying it for, sank his money into Degem.

After the initial success with Promis against the Jordanians, and following Maxwell's agreement to buy into Degem, Promis was put to use in the most horrible way in a number of countries. One egregious example was Guatemala. Pesach Ben-Or, a representative for Eagle, a well-connected Israeli arms-dealing company, had been helping the military regime there set up a computer tracking system to fight the leftist insurgency. But it proved to be inadequate.

In 1984 Israeli intelligence came to an arrangement with the man who was calling himself El Jefe de la Nacion - the Chief of the Nation - General Oscar Mejia Victores. He agreed to allow a warehouse to be used for storing weapons coming secretly out of the U.S. en route to Iran and to allow planes carrying arms from Poland to the Sandinista government in Nicaragua to fly over Guatemala and even land there on occasions. The Israelis, with a wink and a nod from the Americans, had been selling certain arms from Poland to the Sandinistas in their fight against the contras. Of course, there were other factions in the U.S. and Israel - including the Oliver North group - who supplied weapons to the contras.

The price Israel had to pay for this agreement was that the Eagle company, run by Pesach Ben-Or in Guatemala and his associate Mike Harari in Panama, and overseen by Ariel Sharon, would continue selling weapons to the Guatemalan government. On top of that, Israel would install a very sophisticated computer program that would help the military stamp out insurgents. The Mossad chief in Israel, Nachum Admoni, told Sharon not to interfere with the computer program, and in turn the intelligence community would not interrupt Eagle's unofficial sale of arms to the Guatemalan military. It was a case of everyone scratching everyone else's back.

In setting up Promis in Guatemala, Israel employed the services of Manfred Herrmann, a German expatriate in his 60s, who owned an automobile spare-parts company in Guatemala City known as Sedra. It was agreed that Herrmann would represent Israel's arms-running company, Ora, in Guatemala, while his

{p. 138} partner, Baldur K. Kleine, would be the representative in Maitland, Florida, from where he would coordinate all our activities in Central America. Shortly after Maxwell took over Degem, Rafi Eitan asked Earl Brian to meet Kleine in Maitland and give him Promis with the trap door in place.

After Kleine passed the program over to Herrmann, I also provided Herrmann with the Israeli version. If the Americans were going to tap into Guatemala, so were we. Because we were running arms through the country, it was in our interests to keep a general watch on things. However, we soon realized that Guatemala just did not have the computer equipment or skilled operators necessary. For Promis to work, everything in the water company and the electric company had to be computerized. Not only that, lists of identification numbers would have to be updated and a new census conducted. With so much information then available and with suspicious characters going into a central computer, Israel and the U.S. would be able to break in to the central system and learn everything the Guatemalan government knew.

Israel turned to Honeywell, the Israeli franchise of which was owned by Medan Computers Ltd. All the technicians working for Medan were military intelligence reservists and experts on computers. Those at the top were made aware of the Promis program, although they did not know about the trap door. When Medan pointed out that their computers would not be suitable, we arranged for them to act as brokers for IBM equipment in Guatemala.

In that same year, 1984, Guatemala was swept up in a campaign led by El Jefe himself to bring the nation into the computer age. TV radio, and newspapers lauded the move. Computers, it was said, would give jobs to everybody. Common people would no longer have to live in the Dark Ages. Photographs were produced, showing lines of young women sitting behind computers. It was compelling stuff. Every soldier in the army, many of whom could hardly read or write, was taught to use a keyboard. Maxwell's Degem, through Herrmann's Sedra company, moved into offices, railway stations, and airports, and even set up terminals at the most remote roadblocks.

The venture, from the intelligence point of view, was a major success. Suspected dissidents couldn't move anywhere without

{p. 139} Big Brother watching them. Even if they traveled under a false name, various characteristics, such as height, hair color, age, were fed into roadside terminals and Promis searched through its database looking for a common denominator. It would be able to tell an army commander that a certain dissident who was in the north three days before had caught a train, then a bus, stayed at a friend's house, and was now on the road under a different name. That's how frightening the system was. By late 1985 virtually all dissidents - and an unknown number of unidentified innocents - had been rounded up. In a country whose rulers had no patience for such people, 20,000 government opponents either died or disappeared.

And how was it all funded? In 1985 Guatemala started to be used heavily as a drug transit point to the United States from South America. Mejia, the Chief of the Nation, was, in fact, a much bigger drug boss than Noriega. Massive amounts of drugs were shipped into the United States, and part of the revenue went back to Guatemala to help finance the Promis operation. This would all have been impossible without the wink and the nod that the CIA gave.

In Transkei, Degem was of immense help to the white South African regime. Promis was trap-doored because the Israelis were interested in a number of people in South Africa. Promis, in effect, was a killing machine used against black revolutionary groups, including the African National Congress. Almost 12,000 activists were affected by the beginning of 1986 - picked up, disappeared, or maimed in "black-on-black" violence. "Kushi kills Kushi" became a well-known term in Israeli intelligence circles with Chief Gatsha Buthelesi's black death squads doing the dirty work.

It was a simple operation: As a result of Maxwell buying Degem, Promis was installed in the Transkei. It pulled in information on dissidents, and death lists were drawn up and handed over to Buthelesi and his group, who went out on the rampage to finish them off.

At one point a planned strike by black miners was stopped when Promis was used to find the instigators. They all disappeared as Promis tracked them down through their required identity passes. Of course the South African security network just

{p. 140 }loved it. The computer, which had become their ally, had links to the computer in the military compound in Pretoria, and although it was the Israeli version that was being used, the information went straight to the American Embassy for one very simple reason. The embassy has a common wall with the military compound, so it was nothing to string a wire between the two establishments.

The hypocrisy of it all was that Robert Maxwell was officially against any relations with racist South Africa, and his Daily Mirror, which he had bought in 1984 for £113 million, had championed one-man, one-vote, regardless of race. Yet under cover of his Degem company he was actually helping the South African government in a way they had never been helped before. If he had said no to Israel, no doubt some other company would have been used to get Promis going, but at least Maxwell's conscience would have been clear.

Promis was sold all over the world. With their respective intelligence connections, Earl Brian's Hadron and Maxwell's Degem engaged in friendly competition, wiring the world for intelligence purposes. The Americans, through Hadron, sold Promis to a number of countries, including Britain, Australia, South Korea, Iraq, and Canada. Many of the secrets of those nations' intelligence agencies were read through the Promis trap door by the Americans. Moreover, the CIA was making a fortune hawking Promis software. Up to 1989 they had made at least $40 million from that venture alone.

The Israelis, through Degem, sold Promis to the East Bloc and other countries, including Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Nicaragua. An abridged version of Promis, including the trap door, was also sold by Degem to Credit Suisse in 1985. The Likud Party, which had control over Israel's intelligence network, was very interested in knowing which Israelis might have opened accounts there. After finding out who had lodged rake-off money there, the party could approach the individuals and ask for a "donation" - or threaten exposure.

Maxwell's Degem even sold Promis to the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. The path had been cleared for Degem to get into the

{p. 141} Soviet Union - in 1986 and 1987, a computer company, TransCapital Corporation, of Norwalk, Connecticut, had been allowed to export high-tech IBM computers to the Soviet Union, even though there was a general ban on selling such equipment to the East Bloc. But the CIA's Robert Gates had lifted the barriers. When the Soviets expressed a desire to have Promis, Degem technicians fitted it to the IBM computers, complete with the tell-all trap door. In early 1991, before the coup against Mikhail Gorbachev, Soviet military intelligence, GRU, was still using Promis. So whether he knew about the trap door or not, Maxwell gave the Americans a direct line into Soviet military intelligence.

I believe that one of the reasons I was arrested in 1989 on a trumped-up arms charge was that I, on behalf of the Israeli government, threatened to expose what the Americans were doing with Promis if they continued their support of chemical weapons being supplied to Saddam Hussein's Iraq.

Leigh Ratiner, the attorney who was representing Inslaw and the Hamiltons on behalf of his Washington firm, Dickstein and Shapiro, also had something strange happen to him when he began to find out about the real use of Promis. Suddenly, he was called in by his senior partners and told they wanted him to leave the case and the firm, and they started negotiating his severance agreement. Ratiner received $120,000 a year for five years, provided he agreed not to practice law during that period. Ratiner, who was always puzzled by the abrupt dismissal from a firm he had been with for ten years, assumed that the Inslaw case was the reason, but was not sure why. Some time after his dismissal, he saw a memo from his old firm's files which reported that, a week before he was called on the carpet, an assistant attorney general had been talking to one of the firm's partners and had advised that they ought to get rid of Ratiner. That was all Ratiner learned.

He did not know what I knew. A few weeks before Ratiner's dismissal I had seen a cable that came in to the Joint Committee from the United States. It requested that a $600,000 transfer from the CIA-Israeli slush fund be made to Earl Brian's firm, Hadron. The money, the cable said, was to be transferred by Brian to Leonard Garment's law firm, Dickstein and Shapiro, to be used to get one of the Inslaw lawyers, Leigh Ratiner, off the case. Ratiner, it seems, was removed for doing too good a job for Inslaw.


(2) Bin Laden given PROMIS software?

I was shocked to find that the Australian Police record data into PROMIS software. This, no doubt, is common to police forces throughout much of the world.

The following Christian Fundamentalist site reports that Bin Laden has been given PROMIS software ("spyware"); but they've got the interpretation wrong. Implying that the CIA goofed, they say that Bin Laden can now use this software to carry out missions. Bush snr is implicated, they say.

Ari Ben Menashe explains that PROMIS software is a Trojan Horse, given to hostile governments in an apparent gesture of good faith, but that Mossad and the CIA have their own ways of accessing the PROMIS data.

After the following report, written by Editor@endtimezwarriorz.com, I explain where they have it wrong.

Osama Bin Laden and Promis[e] Software

Bin Laden has obtained top intelligence gathering and data-manipulating software capable of hiding and facilitating financial transfers, personnel travel.

By Eric Jewell Jan. 7, 2003


Fox news yesterday flashed breaking news, which will undoubtedly be quickly killed in the popular media because of the embarrassing implications on our intelligence agencies and the Bush family in particular. Osama Bin Laden has obtained a version of "Promis[e] software" from the FBI by way of Russia.

The History of "Promis[e]"

Promise software resembles what we know as NCIC, which is software used by police agencies in the U.S., which creates a database with the ability to track or identify individuals. In 1983 under the Reagan administration, Earl Brian, representing the UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, contacted Bill Hamilton, owner of "Inslaw". The Justice Department contracted Inslaw to create and later modify the software so that it could be used by Intelligence agencies and another version to be used by financial institutions such as BCCI.

Michael Riconosciuto was a government operative chosen by the Justice Department who actually made the modifications according to secret government specifications. These modifications were made at the Cabazon Indian reservation where at the same time Robert Booth Nichols oversaw the manufacture of arms and ammunition supplied to Ollie North in his now infamous guns for drugs scandal. One Al Holbert who was also an Israeli Intelligence officer recruited Riconosciuto into the CIA out of Stanford University in the 1960's.

One "modification" Michael was responsible for was the creation of a back door that could be accessed by anyone in the government who knew the code. Of course those who knew were very few and consisted of the darker elements of our government who have been instrumental in moving us toward the New World Order. This made it possible for factions within the US government to access any financial institution or intelligence agency computer undetected with just a few keystrokes giving them the ability to add, change, or delete files at will.

According to Riconosciuto, Wackenhut Security, whose board has for years been occupied by former Reagan and Bush cabinet members, was very instrumental in obtaining high tech software for the government, and what happened later to Inslaw fits perfectly with their mode of operation. While being interviewed by Carol Marshal, author of "The Last Circle", Riconosciuto informed her,É"Basically, what you have is a group of politically well connected people through Wackenhut who wanted to get juicy defense contracts when Ronald Reagan got elected president. And they did! They also preyed on high tech start up companies, many of them out of Silicon Valley in California.

"They saw technology that they wanted and they either forced the companies into bankruptcy or waited on the sidelines, like vultures, and picked them up for pennies after they were bankrupt."

Indeed After "Promise" was finished the Justice Department reneged on payment for the software. Inslaw had invested millions developing "Promise" and was forced into bankruptcy.

In a sworn affidavit (1) Lester Coleman testified for the Inslaw company in their suit against the Justice Department. Coleman lived in Iran and was recruited by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in 1984. He states in his sworn testimony...

"(6) During my two stints as a DIA covert intelligence officer seconded to the DEA in Nicosia, Cyprus, I became aware of the fact that DEA was using its proprietary company, Euramae Trading Company, Ltd. to sell computer software called PROMISE or PROMIS to the drug abuse control agencies of various countries in the Middle East, including Cyprus, Pakistan, Syria, Kuwait and Turkey.

"(7) I personally witnessed the unpacking at the Nicosia, Cyprus, Police Force Narcotics Squad of boxes containing reels of computer tapes and computer hardware. The boxes bore the name and red logo of a Canadian corporation with the words `PROMISE' or `PROMIS' and `Ltd' in the company name.

"(8) The DEA objective in inducing the implementation of this computerized PROMIS[E] system in the drug abuse control agencies of the Middle East countries was to augment the drug control resources available to the United States Government by making it possible for the United States Government to access sensitive drug control law enforcement and intelligence files of these Middle East governments.

"(9) It is also my understanding that third party funds were generally made available for the purchase of these computer software and hardware systems. One third party funding source was the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control in Vienna, Austria.

"(10) As DEA Country Attaché for Cyprus, Michael T. Hurley had overall responsibility for both the Euramae Trading Company, Ltd. and its initiative to sell PROMIS[E] computer systems to Middle East countries for drug abuse control.

"(11) In 1990, DEA reassigned Hurley to a DEA intelligence position in Washington State.

"(12) I became aware in 1991 that Michael Riconosciuto, known to me as a longtime CIA asset, was arrested in Washington State by DEA for the manufacturing of illegal chemical drugs. I had also become aware of the fact that Riconosciuto had made a sworn statement, prior to his arrest, about his participation in a covert U.S. intelligence initiative to sell Inslaw's PROMISE software to foreign governments.

"(13) In light of Hurley's personal involvement in the U.S. Government's covert intelligence initiative to sell PROMIS[E] software to foreign governments and his reassignment to a DEA intelligence position in Washington State in advance of the DEA's arrest of Riconosciuto, the arrest of Riconosciuto should be regarded as suspect. I do not believe that Hurley's posting to a drug intelligence position in Washington State in advance of Riconosciuto's arrest on drug charges is merely coincidental. Rather, the probability is that Hurley was reassigned to Washington State to manufacture a case against Riconosciuto in order to prevent Riconosciuto from becoming a credible witness about the U.S. Government's covert sale of the PROMIS software to foreign governments.

"(14) The investigative journalist Danny Casolaro contacted me in Europe on August 3, 1991. Mr. Casolaro had leads and hard information about things that I know about, including Department of Justice groups operating overseas, the sale of PROMIS[E] software by the U.S. Government to foreign governments, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), and the Iran-Contra scandal. I subsequently learned of Mr. Casolaro's death in Martinsburg, West Virginia, one week later, on August 10, 1991. I contacted Inslaw in October 1991, after learning about Mr. Casolaro's death under suspicious circumstances."

Signed and sworn to before me this 10th day of August, 1991. Melissa J. Corbett Notary Public My Commission Expires: June 14th, 1994

August 10, 1991, Danny Casolaro, a freelance journalist died uncovering this information just before completing his book which implicated MCA, the US Intelligence community, BCCI, Promise software and specific men of great power. Ted Gunderson as well verifies many of these facts. Gunderson is by no means someone of questionable reputation. He has served as Special Agent, Special Agent Supervisor, Assistant Special Agent -in-Charge for New Haven and Philadelphia, Special Agent-in-Charge for Memphis and Dallas, and Senior Special Agent-in-Charge for LA. He is also the man who tipped off Riconosciuto's connection to the "Promise" scam and testified for him when he was set up with 900 pounds of methamphetamine after signing an affidavit for the Hamiltons in their case against the Justice Department. He is also the man who forced radio personality Art Bell to retire from his popular radio/internet program "Coast to Coast."


Today, financial institutions and Intelligence departments use Promise software worldwide. This means that factions of the US government can quickly access any computer in these networks. The implications are astounding. This gives the ability to add, delete, or modify any file or files within any given intelligence agency using this software. A picture can be put with any name and any information and make it possible for whole terrorist organizations to travel freely with false papers just because the computers were hacked into and all the information fed into them to effectively change any identity. The possibilities within financial institutions are equally as great. Accounts can be created and funds moved from any account to any account.

The question is, why was Bin Laden recently provided with a copy of this software? The answer may possibly be found in both the intelligence and the financial arenas. Now his men which were trained by the CIA can travel freely with no fear of reprisal. George Bush Sr. was vice president when the software was developed, and is a definite insider of this faction of government that sent Promise worldwide. He is connected to the Bin Laden family through the Carlyle Group, which means that both the Bin Laden fortune and the Bush fortune are greatly increased with every military act. The problem is finances if Osama is to remain armed and create worldwide fear to carry on the Bush Agenda of turning America into a police state and leading us further into the New World Order, he needs further funding. With the "Promise" software Bin Laden need never worry again about how we will further fund him. Bank accounts can be very messy in that they can be traced, and indeed much US money has been traced to him already and then quickly buried. Now he has the ability to just create an account in any name to be collected whenever it is needed to obtain whatever is deemed necessary. ...


(3) PROMIS incident number: 887890

Promis is an international surveillance database.

The following is from the transcript of my court case in the Canberra Magistrates' Court. I had been booked for riding a bicycle without a helmet; in fact, I had been wearing a padded hat to protect my head from the cold winter winds off the snow.

The policeman who booked me reported that the 2-week blitz against cyclists had a PROMIS incident number:

{Peter M} The police notice about this bicycle campaign, includes a reference to the PROMIS incident number. It says the PROMIS incident number for the campaign is 887890. What does this mean?

{Constable Bailey} Your Worship, the PROMIS incident number refers to the number that that job is on the computer. What it means is, when you want to update the computer that this operational order is involved with, you can get into the job and update it with any information you want.

{Peter M} Is not PROMIS a computer program for surveillance?

{Constable Bailey} Not that I'm aware of.

{Peter M} Can I inform you that it is? There is a book called Profits of War by an author called Ari Ben Menashe, M-e-n-a-s-h-e, was published in Australia, I believe by Angus & Robertson. And it describes how this particular computer software was developed by the CIA and Mossad

MS McKAY: Yes, I believe the defence is making comments now.

MR MYERS: I wish to ask is it as excessive - - -

HER WORSHIP: It's got to be relevant, Mr Myers. Your questions have to be relevant.

MR MYERS: I wish to ask is it as excessive to be entering bicycle riders into a surveillance database?

{Constable Bailey} As I said, your Worship, I wasn't aware - you've given information I wasn't aware of, that it was a surveillance. I was under the assumption that PROMIS was purely a police computer system in relation to police matters, I wasn't aware that it was in relation to surveillance.

{Peter M} If it is a surveillance database, isn't it excessive to be entering bicycle riders into such a database?

HER WORSHIP: Mr Myers, Constable Bailey has said that as far as he's aware it's not a surveillance database.

MR MYERS: No, he said he didn't know. But I can inform you that it is. In fact I should have brought the book. Do you concede that it is suggestive of Big Brother, as depicted in George Orwell's book - - -

HER WORSHIP: I'm not going to allow you to ask that question, Mr Myers, it's not relevant to this. I mean the issue is whether you did or did not wear a helmet. That's really the issue here. ...


Newer computer operating systems have "background housekeeping". This means that, at times, the computer will do things you didn't tell it to, such as building indexes. But it could also be performing surveillance on you.

Windows, from 95 up, is bugged. This means that it contains a trapdoor, and the NSA has a key: http://www.heise.de/tp/english/inhalt/te/5263/1.html.

To probe this further, search for "windows NSA key" in a search engine.

Not only Windows, but all newer OS may be bugged.

A Mac expert informed me that the Mac OS is bugged from version 9 up. A Unix expert informed me that Unix is probably bugged too - even Open Source Unix. It would be possible to bug it because it's so complex, and written in the cryptic language "C".

Don't trust encryption; and back up your OS & data regularly.

How Big Brother can keep info on your computer: http://www.phaster.com/unpretentious/browsing.html.

But for better protection, switch to Mac or Unix - Department of Homeland Security Standardizes on Mac OS 10 (X): http://db.tidbits.com/getbits.acgi?tbart=07616.

Soviet spies steal a Trojan Horse - causing a gas explosion:

"the Russians were trying to steal Western technology. A KGB insider then gained access to Russian purchase orders and the CIA slipped the flawed software to the Russians." sutton.html.

If Bin Laden has been given PROMIS, it is not a goofup by the CIA, but a plan to trap him and his associates, as Ari Ben-Menashe explains.

To purchase Profits of War from Amazon:


More from Ari Ben-Menashe: the Capture of Mordecai Vanunu: vanunu.html.

Gordon Thomas, a writer of political "thrillers", including material about PROMIS being mistakenly "given" to Saddam and Bin Laden by a goofy CIA, is probably a Mossad P.R. agent: wtc.html.

Crying "wolf" in this way disguises the fact that PROMIS is a trojan horse.

Subject: Top Spy Catcher Quits



by Gordon Thomas:



Write to me at contact.html.